Analysis of Arizona Immigration Bill

So, there's really no point in ever having any laws, because certain people will always just break them anyway.

No... there are just far better ways of checking for citizenship at the bottlenecks I've already previously mentioned (employment, benefits, criminality). This goes back to theory, though, as we have hashed out. Every "suspicion" requires a "profile" (no, not necessarily THAT kind). Perhaps there was a robbery, and someone over 6' tall was seen leaving the area with a pronounced limp. As a result of that information, a profile is developed. If the police find someone over 6' tall with a pronounced limp who might have been in the area, they certainly have reason to suspect him.

In this case, the crime the person is suspected of is being here illegally. What "profile" is used for this? As you have said, the police have done this for ages. Young men hanging out on stoops with baggy clothing in certain neighborhoods, a bulge in their pocket, unusually flashy jewelry... the police very often will pounce on them, and if you happen to be in the vicinity and fit the "profile" they have established in this case... yeah, you are screwed, and the police had better treat you nicely or they will get sued.

I am still awaiting for the profile of illegal immigrants. Again, I am not talking about "racial profiling" exclusively (though to think that they're going to target Canadians is far-fetched)... but what the criminal profile is that allows the police to justify their reasonable suspicion of a removable offense. None of the reasons I have heard come up with a satisfactory answer.

I have already said that you don't think that kind of arrest will happen... and I don't think it is in Arizona's best interests for that kind of arrest to happen. I honestly don't think that's the purpose of the bill.

There are better, less-easily-defeated means of identification out there, and the kind of identity theft rampant in border states is targeted to this. What ends up happening is they find legal people with a "Hispanic" last name and use that ID. They don't necessarily rob them, they don't necessarily do anything that would show up on a credit report. However, a great number of illegals ARE pulled over, and if the LEO is not convinced that ID is real, they will flag it. You might not know until YOU are pulled over. That's not really the time to start floundering around wondering what's going on, especially as it paints you as a repeat offender, too.
 
Black unemployment lies solely on the backs of black people. I will give you an example. My friend's father ran a construction company beginning in the 60s. He hired blacks, not a racist bone in the guy's body. But he recognized the blacks on a whole were far less productive and always complained about not getting a "fair wage". As an American, and a patriot, he felt inclined to hire them as they were his country men. But as Latino immigration into California increased in the 1980s, he was losing money to competitors who hired Latino labor, and had to let the blacks go, and started hiring legal latino immigrants.

You just proved my point! If the invasion of immigrants was halted, those blacks would be back in the workforce.
 
I was just trying to point out that stupid is as stupid does. You've decided that enforcing immigration law is akin to gassing the Jews.

Almost everybody in America starts out in the lower end jobs, by the way. Blacks just have a tougher time getting their foot in that door. Illegal immigration has been a huge factor in that for the past 20 years.

Because it is. Even my own mother who hates politics, and shuts herself off from it, heard this on the news and flat out said it sounded like nazi germany. I've been to Eastern Europe and put up with this shit before. Im sure youd love it over there. Everyone is white, and the cops are EVERYWHERE.

I've lived in the deep south for 32 years, and have NEVER seen hatred such as this. Except maybe the time when I saw the burning cross flaming away in my black neighbors yard once.
 
Why not go after the companies who hire (and abuse) undocumented immigrants? No one seems to care about that. But if there's no jobs to be found, they won't come. I'd prefer this to this horrible fascist law. I don't see the welfare state ending anytime soon, so I don't see why people give companies like this a free pass.

People prefer finding a group to scapegoat instead, of course. Foolish.
 
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Why ot go after the companies who hire (and abuse) undocumented immigrants? No one seemns to care about that. No jobs, they won't come.

People prefer finding a group to scapegoat instead, of course. Foolish.

Read Pat Buchanan's books. He discusses this extensively.
 
ARIZONA LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL
MEMO (legal opinion)

Subsection B allows a law enforcement entity, where reasonable suspicion exists, to presumably detain a suspected illegal alien for the purpose of determining immigration status. This is simply a restatement of the federal law already in place. See Brown v. Texas, 443 U.S. 47 (1979); see also Ramirez v. Webb, 719 F.Supp. 610, 616 (W.D. Mich. 1989) (holding that law enforcement authorities "may detain an individual for a brief period of interrogation here the circumstances create a reasonable suspicion that the individual is engaged in illegal activity. In this case, the relevant illegal activity is that the individual is illegally present in this country."). There is nothing in this subsection that would permit a law enforcement entity to go beyond this allowance and indefinitely detain someone.

Subsection 6 (previously E) provides that a law enforcement officer "may arrest a person if the officer has probable cause to believe that the person has committed any public offense that makes the person removable from the United States." Again, as with subsection B, this is simply a restatement of the established constitutional protections and does not go so far as to permit indefinite detention. See Atwater v. City of Lago Vista, 532 U.S. 318, 354 (2001) (holding that "f an officer has probable cause to believe that an individual has committed even a very minor criminal offense in his presence, he may, without violating the Fourth Amendment, arrest the offender.").

ssforronpaul


... are you seriously arguing that, since it's not INDEFINITE detention, it's cool to be detained?
 
Because it is. Even my own mother who hates politics, and shuts herself off from it, heard this on the news and flat out said it sounded like nazi germany. I've been to Eastern Europe and put up with this shit before. Im sure youd love it over there. Everyone is white, and the cops are EVERYWHERE.

I've lived in the deep south for 32 years, and have NEVER seen hatred such as this. Except maybe the time when I saw the burning cross flaming away in my black neighbors yard once.

I agree.
 
:rolleyes:

I am yet to be impressed with your familiarity and lack of citations whenever you discuss flawed positions. Not to mention the complete lack of knowledge you exhibited regarding the adoption of any standardized jury instructions. And the lack of knowledge you have exhibited regarding state vs. federal jurisdiction. The fact I have to cite this to someone who make claims of intimate knowledge in law is ridiculous

It was clearly established in:




And clearly elaborated in:



That means absent of applicable state law to the circumstances, Terry applies.

I could back it up with a chain of rulings that are cited in these rulings such as these:










Present your citation of rebuttal to the clearly established precedents presented.

I don't need to, the cases you provided include some of the very cases I would cite in any legal brief I would write arguing in favor of a request for identification. You're citing them when they conflict and disagree with your position.

Terry v. Ohio is a great example of this. Officer safety is paramount, so an officer can frisk a person if they have reasonable suspicion of criminal activity... this in no way strengthens your argument...
 
You just proved my point! If the invasion of immigrants was halted, those blacks would be back in the workforce.
But business would be less productive. There wouldn't be maximum utilization of resources and proper allocation of capital as harsh immigration restrictions would distort labor markets.
 
But business would be less productive. There wouldn't be maximum utilization of resources and proper allocation of capital as harsh immigration restrictions would distort labor markets.

I agree. I hope Angela is not advocating social engineering, because that's what liberals espouse.
 
Why not go after the companies who hire (and abuse) undocumented immigrants? No one seems to care about that. But if there's no jobs to be found, they won't come. I'd prefer this to this horrible fascist law. I don't see the welfare state ending anytime soon, so I don't see why people give companies like this a free pass.

People prefer finding a group to scapegoat instead, of course. Foolish.

This this this this this this this.
 
No... there are just far better ways of checking for citizenship at the bottlenecks I've already previously mentioned (employment, benefits, criminality).

I'm not a big believer in prohibiting something because something bad might happen. This is no exception. If something goes wrong with the law, they can change it. But something has to be done, and I think this is a good place to start.

I've already explained why I think that employment checks will never work, and I certainly don't like the idea of punishing the employer more than the guy who is here illegally. It's easy to imagine the Tyson Chicken plants being fined, but operators like that can afford it, and they lobby to get the maximum fines capped, which absolutely works in their favor.

Its best just to focus on prosecuting the actual criminals.

Cracking down on benefits would be great, but there are relatively few entitlements they are eligible for as it stands. Making the parents prove citizenship when signing the kids up for school might work, but they don't get much in the way of direct aid anyway.

Criminality is where this is at - the officers aren't allowed to initiate a conversation about immigration. They can only ask about it as part of a lawful interaction. The Supreme Court has ruled repeatedly that the cops can't randomly ask people for identification, and there's nothing Arizona can do to negate those decisions.
 
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... are you seriously arguing that, since it's not INDEFINITE detention, it's cool to be detained?

No, I am showing you what the current law is and how it is interpreted as being compliant with the fourth amendment. If you do not like current law, attempt to change it. I do not like alot of the current laws, but I still comply with them. I am hoping that liberty minded people will eventually have some influence in changing them.

I am attempting to pull this conversation back to debating laws (rational debate)instead of just throwing insults (emotional debate).

I support immigration, but only limited legal immigration. I would support all immigration, but we have a welfare state.


ssforronpaul
 
I don't need to, the cases you provided include some of the very cases I would cite in any legal brief I would write arguing in favor of a request for identification. You're citing them when they conflict and disagree with your position.

Terry v. Ohio is a great example of this. Officer safety is paramount, so an officer can frisk a person if they have reasonable suspicion of criminal activity... this in no way strengthens your argument...

You are contradicting the very opinions of SCOTUS. In Terry the justices went above and beyond to explicitly state there is no compulsion to ID. And in Hibel it ruled the standards of Terry did not apply because of an existing state statue applicable to the circumstances.

U.S. Supreme Court
TERRY v. OHIO.

Also, although the Court puts the matter aside in the context of this case, I think an additional word is in order concerning the matter of interrogation during an investigative stop. There is nothing in the Constitution which prevents a policeman from addressing questions to anyone on the streets. Absent special circumstances, the person approached may not be detained or frisked but may refuse to cooperate and go on his way. However, given the proper circumstances, such as those in this case, it seems to me the person may be briefly detained against his will while pertinent questions are directed to him. Of course, the person stopped is not obliged to answer, answers may not be compelled, and refusal to answer furnishes no basis for an arrest, although it may alert the officer to the need for continued observation.

Don't insult the intelligence of every adult person who can read the above expert and understand it's plain meaning. Make your citation.
 
I'm not a big believer in prohibiting something because something bad might happen. This is no exception. If something goes wrong with the law, they can change it. But something has to be done, and I think this is a good place to start.

I've already explained why I think that employment checks will never work, and I certainly don't like the idea of punishing the employer more than the guy who is here illegally. It's easy to imagine the Tyson Chicken plants being fined, but operators like can afford it, and they lobby to get the maximum fines capped, which absolutely works in their favor.

Its best just to focus on prosecuting the actual criminals.

Cracking down on benefits would be great, but there are relatively few entitlements they are eligible for as it stands. Making the parents prove citizenship when signing the kids up for school might work, but they don't get much in the way of direct aid anyway.

Criminality is where this is at - the officers aren't allowed to initiate a conversation about immigration. They can only ask about it as part of a lawful interaction. The Supreme Court has ruled repeatedly that the cops can't randomly ask people for identification, and there's nothing Arizona can do to negate those decisions.

;)

We are essentially in agreement, and have been, the only sticking points being 1. e-verify, and 2. your amount of faith in the police and justice system at large to safeguard the rights, safety, and security of actual citizens.
 
Why not go after the companies who hire (and abuse) undocumented immigrants? No one seems to care about that. But if there's no jobs to be found, they won't come. I'd prefer this to this horrible fascist law. I don't see the welfare state ending anytime soon, so I don't see why people give companies like this a free pass.

People prefer finding a group to scapegoat instead, of course. Foolish.

Scapegoats? The people are here illegally! They aren't scapegoats - they're criminals.

Again, every time they start fining employers, the big employers lobby for a maximum fine. Say, $10,000 per occurrence, maximum $100,000. So Tyson chooses to risk the $50,000 because they'll save more than than in a month. That means that Jane the Farmer either has to lower her wages and hire a slave, or go out of business.

Tyson doesn't like the competition, so they call and complain about Jane. Her $30,000 fine puts her out of business.

This isn't fiction - this actually happens.

And what those upset about forged drivers licenses do about the small business owners who will inevitably be duped by the lowlifes carrying the fake IDs? Are they supposed to become experts in identifying forgeries, since e-verify is a taboo in that same crowd?

Screw that. You break the law, you pay the price. Hold yourself responsible for your own actions.
 
;)

We are essentially in agreement, and have been, the only sticking points being 1. e-verify, and 2. your amount of faith in the police and justice system at large to safeguard the rights, safety, and security of actual citizens.

No, I don't trust that at all. But these precedents were set and upheld a long time ago. There's nothing new here.
 
You are contradicting the very opinions of SCOTUS. In Terry the justices went above and beyond to explicitly state there is no compulsion to ID. And in Hibel it ruled the standards of Terry did not apply because of an existing state statue applicable to the circumstances.


Don't insult the intelligence of every adult person who can read the above expert and understand it's plain meaning. Make your citation.

This is utter nonsense, everyone SHOULD read the entire opinion for themselves, and not rely on the word of an advocate for the destruction of freedom of association and private property rights.



Our first task is to establish at what point in this encounter the Fourth Amendment becomes relevant. That is, we must decide whether and when Officer McFadden "seized" Terry, and whether and when he conducted a "search." There is some suggestion in the use of such terms as "stop" and "frisk" that such police conduct is outside the purview of the Fourth Amendment because neither action rises to the level of a "search" or "seizure" within the meaning of the Constitution. [n12] We emphatically reject this notion. It is quite plain that the Fourth Amendment governs "seizures" of the person which do not eventuate in a trip to the stationhouse and prosecution for crime -- "arrests" in traditional terminology. It must be recognized that, whenever a police officer accosts an individual and restrains his freedom to walk away, he has "seized" that person. And it is nothing less than sheer torture of the English language to suggest that a careful exploration of the outer surfaces of a person's clothing all over his or her body in an attempt to find weapons is not a "search." Moreover, it is simply fantastic to urge that such a procedure [p17] performed in public by a policeman while the citizen stands helpless, perhaps facing a wall with his hands raised, is a "petty indignity." [n13] It is a serious intrusion upon the sanctity of the person, which may inflict great indignity and arouse strong resentment, and it is not to be undertaken lightly. [n14]

The danger in the logic which proceeds upon distinctions between a "stop" and an "arrest," or "seizure" of the person, and between a "frisk" and a "search," is twofold. It seeks to isolate from constitutional scrutiny the initial stages of the contact between the policeman and the citizen. And, by suggesting a rigid all-or-nothing model of justification and regulation under the Amendment, it obscures the utility of limitations upon the scope, as well as the initiation, of police action as a means of constitutional regulation. [n15] This Court has held, in [p18] the past that a search which is reasonable at its inception may violate the Fourth Amendment by virtue of its intolerable intensity and scope. Kremen v. United States, 353 U.S. 346 (1957); Go-Bart Importing Co. v. [p19] United States, 282 U.S. 344, 356-358 (1931); see United States v. Di Re, 332 U.S. 581, 586-587 (1948). The scope of the search must be "strictly tied to and justified by" the circumstances which rendered its initiation permissible. Warden v. Hayden, 387 U.S. 294, 310 (1967) (MR. JUSTICE FORTAS, concurring); see, e.g., Preston v. United States, 376 U.S. 364, 367-368 (1964); Agnello v. United States, 269 U.S. 20, 30-31 (1925).


The distinctions of classical "stop-and-frisk" theory thus serve to divert attention from the central inquiry under the Fourth Amendment -- the reasonableness in all the circumstances of the particular governmental invasion of a citizen's personal security.

Petitioner does not argue that a police officer should refrain from making any investigation of suspicious circumstances until such time as he has probable cause to make an arrest; nor does he deny that police officers, in properly discharging their investigative function, may find themselves confronting persons who might well be armed and dangerous. Moreover, he does not say that an officer is always unjustified in searching a suspect to discover weapons. Rather, he says it is unreasonable for the policeman to take that step until such time as the situation evolves to a point where there is probable cause to make an arrest. When that point has been reached, petitioner would concede the officer's right to conduct a search of the suspect for weapons, fruits or instrumentalities of the crime, or "mere" evidence, incident to the arrest.

There are two weaknesses in this line of reasoning, however. First, it fails to take account of traditional limitations upon the scope of searches, and thus recognizes no distinction in purpose, character, and extent between a search incident to an arrest and a limited search for weapons. The former, although justified in part by the acknowledged necessity to protect the arresting officer from assault with a concealed weapon, Preston v. United States, 376 U.S. 364, 367 (1964), is also justified on other grounds, ibid., and can therefore involve a relatively extensive exploration of the person. A search for weapons in the absence of probable cause to [p26] arrest, however, must, like any other search, be strictly circumscribed by the exigencies which justify its initiation. Warden v. Hayden, 387 U.S. 294, 310 (1967) (MR. JUSTICE FORTAS, concurring). Thus, it must be limited to that which is necessary for the discovery of weapons which might be used to harm the officer or others nearby, and may realistically be characterized as something less than a "full" search, even though it remains a serious intrusion.

A second, and related, objection to petitioner's argument is that it assumes that the law of arrest has already worked out the balance between the particular interests involved here -- the neutralization of danger to the policeman in the investigative circumstance and the sanctity of the individual. But this is not so. An arrest is a wholly different kind of intrusion upon individual freedom from a limited search for weapons, and the interests each is designed to serve are likewise quite different. An arrest is the initial stage of a criminal prosecution. It is intended to vindicate society's interest in having its laws obeyed, and it is inevitably accompanied by future interference with the individual's freedom of movement, whether or not trial or conviction ultimately follows. [n22] The protective search for weapons, on the other hand, constitutes a brief, though far from inconsiderable, intrusion upon the sanctity of the person. It does not follow that, because an officer may lawfully arrest a person only when he is apprised of facts sufficient to warrant a belief that the person has committed or is committing a crime, the officer is equally unjustified, absent that kind of evidence, in making any intrusions short of an arrest. Moreover, a perfectly reasonable apprehension of danger may arise long before the officer is possessed of adequate information to justify taking a person into custody for [p27] the purpose of prosecuting him for a crime. Petitioner's reliance on cases which have worked out standards of reasonableness with regard to "seizures" constituting arrests and searches incident thereto is thus misplaced. It assumes that the interests sought to be vindicated and the invasions of personal security may be equated in the two cases, and thereby ignores a vital aspect of the analysis of the reasonableness of particular types of conduct under the Fourth Amendment. See Camara v. Municipal Court, supra.
 
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