Weston White
Member
- Joined
- Nov 16, 2007
- Messages
- 4,956
It's strange that Mr. White would put so much trust in the Congressional Research Service, which stated the following regarding the taxation of the pay one receives for working:
Really, now a FAQ report written in 2005 by a single CRS attorney, so this is what is has come to for you, quoting the unsubstantiated opinions of one person, already clearly biased on the matter, quoting passages while providing no official reference? Clearly, the provided quotation is little else than pre-opinionated conjecture.
Goodness now, should anyone actually be so surprised at such a feeble act of desperation? Tell you what, be sure to give me a ring when there is actually something definitive on the matter (as you had quoted above), so as to be included within the Annotated Constitution.
The author’s sole argument, in constant reference to Pollock, fails on its face as for during that time-frame the federal income tax was never intended to be upon the whole of the populace but upon only a mere 3-8%, respectively. With consideration to the following quotation: “…and this would leave the burden of the tax to be borne by professions, trades, employments, or vocations, and in that way what was intended as a tax on capital would remain in substance a tax on occupations and labor.”, which willfully the author has blissfully ignored many other prevailing and insightful passages included throughout the Pollock case. In any case the above passage fails to translate itself into just and proper indirect taxing of one’s capital, personalty, or livelihood, but only upon their professional and other such beneficial or enterprising engagements, e.g., occupation taxes, BATFE excises, professional licenses, gift and gambling taxes, etc.
Moreover, noticing that the federal income tax is at once “a tax on capital”, thus one must first acquire capital for whence it to be taxed upon its growth, while for the average individual they have no means of acquiring such capital until having first exchanged their personal exertion through their own ability in toiling; and even still upon such acquisitioning of capital, they must derive a realized increase, e.g., gain, thereto.
Also, the zero-basis (“pure gain”) in labor is further fallacy levied, waged, and piecemealed by proponents of tax strong-arming, for the cost basis in an individual’s laboring is as determined by their privately negotiated contract, be it by a measurement in relative time, effort exerted, or literal accomplishment.
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