H. Con. Res. 145
CONDEMNING TALIBAN REGIME OF AFGHANISTAN REQUIRING HINDUS TO WEAR SYMBOLS IDENTIFYING THEM AS HINDU
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Paul), a member of our Committee on
International Relations.
(Mr. PAUL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution. It gives
us an opportunity to at least condemn the Taliban in forcing the
wearing of these symbols.
Sometimes I think, though, that this type of legislation is more
feel-good legislation, makes us feel better, but does not do a whole
lot to solve our problems. I think it would be more important to take
this opportunity to think about our policy of foreign interventionism.
We have been involved in Afghanistan now for more than two decades,
and have spent over $1 billion. Last year we spent $114 million in
humanitarian aid. This year it is already $124 million.
It is said that it is not sent to the Taliban, but the gentleman from
California (Mr. Rohrabacher), who is a bit of an expert on Afghanistan,
just revealed to us earlier that indeed some of this money and some of
this aid was designated to go to the Taliban-controlled areas.
I think more important is that regardless of the intention of where
we send the aid, the aid is beneficial to the government in charge. The
Taliban is in charge. They can get control of aid, of food and other
commodities, and use it as weapons, and they do.
The point that I would like to make is after these many, many
millions of dollars and over $1 billion have been spent, we have come
to this. They are in worse shape than ever. Yes, we can condemn what
they are doing, but we should question whether or not our policy in
Afghanistan has really served us well, or served the people well. It
may well be that when we send aid, that it literally helps the Taliban,
because they do not have to then buy food. They can take their money
and use it to enforce these rules and to be a more authoritarian
society, to buy weapons.
We do know that when we sent weapons in the eighties, those weapons
actually ended up in the hands of the violent Taliban, and they are
still in their hands to some degree. Yes, our policy is well-intended.
We would like to do good and save all the suffering that is happening
in this country. But quite frankly, it has not worked very well.
We should question this. I believe we should assume some
responsibility in the sense that our aid does not always do what it was
supposed to do and actually ends up helping the very people that we
detest. I think that is exactly what has happened here. It has been
specifically pointed out that some of this aid has gone into the area
where the Taliban has been helped and strengthened.
All I am suggesting is, why not question this a little bit? Why
should we go on decade after decade after decade expanding aid and
getting these kinds of results that we all detest?
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, let me just respond to the gentleman from Texas (Mr.
Paul). While I am pleased he is supporting the resolution, he needs to
gain some historical perspective. It was billions and billions of
dollars of Marshall aid which resulted in the rebuilding of Western
Europe and in creating our allies in NATO, and providing us with a
prosperous Europe as our single most important trading partner.
So this melancholy call for isolationism is not supported by the
historic evidence. The historic evidence shows clearly that in
Republican and Democratic administrations, overwhelmingly United States
participation in Europe and elsewhere contributed in a major way toward
building democratic and prosperous societies.
I was present at the end of the Second World War, as my friend knows,
when Europe was in ruins, and it was the farsightedness of a group of
Republican and Democratic leaders in this country, from Harry Truman to
Senator Vandenberg, who created a framework which allowed the countries
of Europe to rebuild themselves to become our powerful NATO allies, our
democratic friends, and our most significant trading partners.
There is no evidence for the statement that the previous
administration directed aid to go to the Taliban. This is an
unsubstantiated statement. What we voted for and what I think we will
vote again is to provide humanitarian assistance to the destitute
people of Afghanistan. It is most unfortunate that the bulk of
Afghanistan today is in the hands of this despicable regime.
But I think it is important to realize and to be true to historic
facts that the bulk of our economic aid since the end of the Second
World War has succeeded in creating prosperous and democratic societies
ranging from Taiwan to Denmark. These were destroyed societies, poor
societies, destitute societies, and American aid was critical in
building them up as democratic and prosperous allies.
Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. LANTOS. I yield to the gentleman from Texas.
Mr. PAUL. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, we do not have time to get into the Marshall Plan, but
there is a pretty strong case to indicate that the major part of the
rebuilding of Europe came from private capital and not specifically
from the immigration plan.
But the point that I would like to answer to is the term
``isolationism.'' I am not a protectionist. I am not an isolationist. I
am for openness, travel, trade. I vote consistently that way, so the
term ``isolationist'' does not apply to the policies that I am talking
about, because I am probably for more openness in trade and travel than
most anybody in this body.
{time} 1545
So the term is not isolationism.