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The Court of International Trade just issued a decision striking down Trump's "Liberation Day" tariffs and other IEEPA tariffs
Here is the court's summary of its ruling, from its per curiam opinion:
Here is the court's summary of its ruling, from its per curiam opinion:
Underlying the issues in this case is the notion that "the powers properly belonging to oneof the departments ought not to be directly and completely administered by either of the other departments." Federalist No. 48 (James Madison). Because of the Constitution's express allocation of the tariff power to Congress, see U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 1, we do not read IEEPA to delegate an unbounded tariff authority to the President. We instead read IEEPA's provisions to impose meaningful limits on any such authority it confers. Two are relevant here. First, § 1702's delegation of a power to "regulate . . . importation," read in light of its legislative history and Congress's enactment of more narrow, non-emergency legislation, at the very least does not authorize the President to impose unbounded tariffs. The Worldwide and Retaliatory Tariffs lack any identifiable limits and thus fall outside the scope of § 1702.
Second, IEEPA's limited authorities may be exercised only to "deal with an unusual and extraordinary threat with respect to which a national emergency has been declared . . . and may not be exercised for any other purpose." 50 U.S.C. § 1701(b) (emphasis added). As the Trafficking Tariffs do not meet that condition, they fall outside the scope of § 1701.
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The Constitution provides that "[a]ll legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States." U.S. Const. art. 1, § 1. Congress is empowered "[t]o make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution" its general powers. Id. § 8, cl. 18. The Constitution thus establishes a separation of powers between the legislative and executive branches that the Framers viewed as essential to the preservation of individual liberty. See, e.g., The Federalist No. 48 (James Madison). To maintain this separation of powers, "[t]he Congress manifestly is not permitted to abdicate or to transfer to others the essential legislative unctions with which it is thus vested." Pan. Refining Co. v. Ryan, 293 U.S. 388, 421 (1935); see also Marshall Field & Co. v. Clark, 143 U.S. 649, 692 (1892).
The parties cite two doctrines—the nondelegation doctrine and the major questions
doctrine—that the judiciary has developed to ensure that the branches do not impermissibly abdicate their respective constitutionally vested powers. Under the nondelegation doctrine, Congress must "lay down by legislative act an intelligible principle to which the person or body authorized to fix such [tariff] rates is directed to conform." J.W. Hampton, Jr., 276 U.S. at 409 (1928); see also Pan. Refining, 293 U.S. at 429–30. A statute lays down an intelligible principle when it "meaningfully constrains" the President's authority. Touby v. United States, 500 U.S. 160, 166 (1991)… Under the major questions doctrine, when Congress delegates powers of "'vast economic and political significance,'" it must "speak clearly." Ala. Ass'n of Realtors v. HHS, 594 U.S. 758, 764 (2021) (quoting Util. Air Regul. Grp. v. EPA, 573 U.S. 302, 324 (2014))….
The separation of powers is always relevant to delegations of power between the branches. Both the nondelegation and the major questions doctrines, even if not directly applied to strike down a statute as unconstitutional, provide useful tools for the court to interpret statutes so as to avoid constitutional problems. These tools indicate that an unlimited delegation of tariff authority would constitute an improper abdication of legislative power to another branch of government. Regardless of whether the court views the President's actions through the nondelegation doctrine, through the major questions doctrine, or simply with separation of powers in mind, any interpretation of IEEPA that delegates unlimited tariff authority is unconstitutional.