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By Steven Simon and Jonathan Stevenson
Aug. 13, 2025
By ordering 800 National Guard troops to Washington, on the pretext of an illusory crime wave, President Trump has further dragged the U.S. military into domestic law enforcement, in a move credibly perceived as an ominous “test case.” This continues what the administration started in California in June as part of the its deportation efforts.
Unfortunately, though we (and others) had hoped that the military would only respond to calls to action in American cities and states kicking and screaming, we no longer expect resistance from that institution. Once, perhaps, traditionalist officers might have leaned on protocol and refused to heed a lawless order, taking inspiration from the generals — Mark Milley and James Mattis — who resisted the uprooting of established military standards in the first Trump term.
But today, general officers no longer seem to see themselves as guardians of the constitutional order.
It now seems clear to us that the military will not rescue Americans from Mr. Trump’s misuse of the nation’s military capabilities. Recent changes to the terms of the military’s employment by the Pentagon and its members’ incentives to career advancement will ultimately overcome any constitutional and moral qualms about their conduct.
Democratic civilian control and the apolitical professionalism of military officers have long been bulwarks against authoritarianism. This framework proved stable through the 20th century, even when tested by the Vietnam War, in significant part because American presidents and their civilian advisers could be trusted not to imperil the political integrity of the Republic.
Mr. Trump, however, has challenged this civil-military calculus. Since the military resisted his efforts to use active-duty personnel against Black Lives Matter protesters in 2020, liberals have put their faith in the military as a last line of defense against a rogue executive branch.
But Mr. Trump and his allies have incentivized loyalty over legality and professional competence in administering military promotions. Mr. Trump has dismissed top military personnel without cause and promoted supporters (like former National Guard three-star Gen. Dan Caine) to leadership positions. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth fired the military’s top Judge Advocates General, even though Pentagon lawyers see their job as facilitating policy objectives, not impeding them.
Furthermore, Mr. Trump has insidiously militarized domestic law enforcement by bureaucratic means.
There are structural as well as ad hoc components to Mr. Trump’s mobilization. He is effectively fusing Northern Command, or Northcom, and the Department of Homeland Security into a cooperative internal security body. Both were established after the Sept. 11 attacks to secure U.S. territory against external terrorist threats.
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Continue:
www.nytimes.com
Aug. 13, 2025
By ordering 800 National Guard troops to Washington, on the pretext of an illusory crime wave, President Trump has further dragged the U.S. military into domestic law enforcement, in a move credibly perceived as an ominous “test case.” This continues what the administration started in California in June as part of the its deportation efforts.
Unfortunately, though we (and others) had hoped that the military would only respond to calls to action in American cities and states kicking and screaming, we no longer expect resistance from that institution. Once, perhaps, traditionalist officers might have leaned on protocol and refused to heed a lawless order, taking inspiration from the generals — Mark Milley and James Mattis — who resisted the uprooting of established military standards in the first Trump term.
But today, general officers no longer seem to see themselves as guardians of the constitutional order.
It now seems clear to us that the military will not rescue Americans from Mr. Trump’s misuse of the nation’s military capabilities. Recent changes to the terms of the military’s employment by the Pentagon and its members’ incentives to career advancement will ultimately overcome any constitutional and moral qualms about their conduct.
Democratic civilian control and the apolitical professionalism of military officers have long been bulwarks against authoritarianism. This framework proved stable through the 20th century, even when tested by the Vietnam War, in significant part because American presidents and their civilian advisers could be trusted not to imperil the political integrity of the Republic.
Mr. Trump, however, has challenged this civil-military calculus. Since the military resisted his efforts to use active-duty personnel against Black Lives Matter protesters in 2020, liberals have put their faith in the military as a last line of defense against a rogue executive branch.
But Mr. Trump and his allies have incentivized loyalty over legality and professional competence in administering military promotions. Mr. Trump has dismissed top military personnel without cause and promoted supporters (like former National Guard three-star Gen. Dan Caine) to leadership positions. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth fired the military’s top Judge Advocates General, even though Pentagon lawyers see their job as facilitating policy objectives, not impeding them.
Furthermore, Mr. Trump has insidiously militarized domestic law enforcement by bureaucratic means.
There are structural as well as ad hoc components to Mr. Trump’s mobilization. He is effectively fusing Northern Command, or Northcom, and the Department of Homeland Security into a cooperative internal security body. Both were established after the Sept. 11 attacks to secure U.S. territory against external terrorist threats.
.
.
Continue:
Opinion | We Used to Think the Military Would Stand Up to Trump. We Were Wrong.
The president and his allies have reshaped the military for their own purposes.
