Xerographica
Member
- Joined
- Nov 16, 2010
- Messages
- 1,345
Just answer the question, bro!
You want to decentralize everything, or not? If not, whatcha wanna central plan?
Who is S?
Just answer the question, bro!
You want to decentralize everything, or not? If not, whatcha wanna central plan?
S represents the idea that Congressmen are omniscient.Who is S?
So you want us to attack a single individual, rather than the ideas he advanced? Samuelson was not the only man in history to advance the idea of central planning / omniscience / whatever. You say you are against the current system, which is based on the assumption that Congressmen are omniscient. Thus, you should want us libertarians to fight the assumption that Congressmen are omniscient (which we do). Apparently you also want us to refute Paul Samuelson in particular (which we do).
Of course liking facebook is more effective. It aims at the actual target. It ignores the frivolous irrelevance and gets to the heart of the matter.
If you had followed my long-ago advice and started implementing my system of Informednessarianism in your life, then you would already be so far beyond me, given your amount of free time to spend on it, I would probably have no idea what you are even talking about any more. I would be feeling like the ignorant fool, then. And wouldn't that be satisfying? You could totally demolish and humiliate me in any debate.
Yo, X, my bro, you have presumably never even read a Samuelson textbook, unless you have done an awful lot of boning up since last we spoke. So how would you know:
a) what Samuelson says
b) how one would go about refuting it in a credible way
c) whether I have done so
d) whether anyone has done so
Hmm?
But have you ever asked yourselves sufficiently how much the erection of every ideal on earth has cost? How much reality has had to be misunderstood and slandered, how many lies have had to be sanctified, how many consciences disturbed, how much "God" sacrificed every time? If a temple is to be erected a temple must be destroyed: that is the law - let anyone who can show me a case in which it is not fulfilled! - Friedrich Nietzsche
Rothbard said:In the first place, we may ask: "public sector" of what? Of something called the "national product." But note the hidden assumptions: that the national product is something like a pie, consisting of several "sectors," and that these sectors, public and private alike, are added to make the product of the economy as a whole. In this way, the assumption is smuggled into the analysis that the public and private sectors are equally productive, equally important, and on an equal footing altogether, and that "our" deciding on the proportions of public to private sector is about as innocuous as any individual's decision on whether to eat cake or ice cream. The State is considered to be an amiable service agency, somewhat akin to the corner grocer, or rather to the neighborhood lodge, in which "we" get together to decide how much "our government" should do for (or to) us. Even those neoclassical economists who tend to favor the free market and free society often regard the State as a generally inefficient, but still amiable, organ of social service, mechanically registering "our" values and decisions.
One would not think it difficult for scholars and laymen alike to grasp the fact that government is not like the Rotarians or the Elks; that it differs profoundly from all other organs and institutions in society; namely, that it lives and acquires its revenues by coercion and not by voluntary payment. The late Joseph Schumpeter was never more astute than when he wrote: "The theory which construes taxes on the analogy of club dues or of the purchase of the services of, say, a doctor only proves how far removed this part of the social sciences is from scientific habits of mind."
SNIP
Most economists have two basic arguments on behalf of the public sector, which we may only consider very briefly here. One is the problem of "external benefits." A and B often benefit, it is held, if they can force C into doing something. Much can be said in criticism of this doctrine; but suffice it to say here that any argument proclaiming the right and goodness of, say, three neighbors, who yearn to form a string quartet, forcing a fourth neighbor at bayonet point to learn and play the viola, is hardly deserving of sober comment. The second argument is more substantial; stripped of technical jargon, it states that some essential services simply cannot be supplied by the private sphere, and that therefore government supply of these services is necessary. And yet, every single one of the services supplied by government has been, in the past, successfully furnished by private enterprise. The bland assertion that private citizens cannot possibly supply these goods is never bolstered, in the works of these economists, by any proof whatever. How is it, for example, that economists, so often given to pragmatic or utilitarian solutions, do not call for social "experiments" in this direction? Why must political experiments always be in the direction of more government? Why not give the free market a county or even a state or two, and see what it can accomplish?
There, you've been demolished and you should feel humiliated.
But this argument generates far more difficulties than it solves. It proves too much in many directions. In the first place, how much of the deficient good should be supplied? What criterion can the State have for deciding the optimal amount and for gauging by how much the market provision of the service falls short? Even if free riders benefit from collective service X, in short, taxing them to pay for producing more will deprive them of unspecified amounts of private goods Y, Z, and so on. We know from their actions that these private consumers wish to continue to purchase private goods Y, Z, and so on, in various amounts. But where is their analogous demonstrated preference for the various collective goods? We know that a tax will deprive the free riders of various amounts of their cherished private goods, but we have no idea how much benefit they will acquire from the increased provision of the collective good; and so we have no warrant whatever for believing that the benefits will be greater than the imposed costs. The presumption should be quite the reverse. And what of those individuals who dislike the collective goods, pacifists who are morally outraged at defensive violence, environmentalists who worry over a dam destroying snail darters, and so on? In short, what of those persons who find other people's good their "bad?" Far from being free riders receiving external benefits, they are yoked to absorbing psychic harm from the supply of these goods. Taxing them to subsidize more defense, for example, will impose a further twofold injury on these hapless persons: once by taxing them, and second by supplying more of a hated service. - Murray Rothbard, The Myth of Neutral Taxation
Why you asking me?Why should one feel humiliated when an argument is defeated? It should bring joy that one has learnt something.
Is your goal to create greater understanding or to stroke your ego? The world has very serious problems and doesn't have time left for philosophical masturbation.
If you had followed my long-ago advice and started implementing my system of Informednessarianism in your life, then you would already be so far beyond me, given your amount of free time to spend on it, I would probably have no idea what you are even talking about any more. I would be feeling like the ignorant fool, then. And wouldn't that be satisfying? You could totally demolish and humiliate me in any debate.
I feel like your attempt fell short.He asked for some humiliation so I served him some.
any one person can hope to snatch some selfish benefit in a way not possible under the self-policing competitive pricing of private goods
I feel like your attempt fell short.
You see, I've actually read that paper.
It's 3 or 4 pages, bro my man. I gave you a little book report on it. That's good enough proof for my 4th grade teacher.Prove it.
It's 3 or 4 pages, bro my man. I gave you a little book report on it. That's good enough proof for my 4th grade teacher.
Are you saying you're better than her? You want me to re-read it and make a video of myself doing it?
The OP assumes there's such a thing as public goods.
But this argument generates far more difficulties than it solves. It proves too much in many directions. In the first place, how much of the deficient good should be supplied? What criterion can the State have for deciding the optimal amount and for gauging by how much the market provision of the service falls short? Even if free riders benefit from collective service X, in short, taxing them to pay for producing more will deprive them of unspecified amounts of private goods Y, Z, and so on. We know from their actions that these private consumers wish to continue to purchase private goods Y, Z, and so on, in various amounts. But where is their analogous demonstrated preference for the various collective goods? We know that a tax will deprive the free riders of various amounts of their cherished private goods, but we have no idea how much benefit they will acquire from the increased provision of the collective good; and so we have no warrant whatever for believing that the benefits will be greater than the imposed costs. The presumption should be quite the reverse. And what of those individuals who dislike the collective goods, pacifists who are morally outraged at defensive violence, environmentalists who worry over a dam destroying snail darters, and so on? In short, what of those persons who find other people's good their "bad?" Far from being free riders receiving external benefits, they are yoked to absorbing psychic harm from the supply of these goods. Taxing them to subsidize more defense, for example, will impose a further twofold injury on these hapless persons: once by taxing them, and second by supplying more of a hated service. - Murray Rothbard, The Myth of Neutral Taxation