Rand Paul To Stress ‘Fusionism’ At Values Voters

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Rand Paul To Stress ‘Fusionism’ At Values Voters

Rand Paul To Stress ‘Fusionism’ At Values Voters

MATT K. LEWIS
6:54 AM 09/26/2014

When social conservatives gather to hear conservative movement leaders, activists, and Republican hopefuls this weekend at the Omni Shoreham hotel, there will be an elephant in the room: libertarianism.

Public opinion is trending their way on a variety of cultural issues, but as I noted the other day at The Week: “Conservatism and libertarianism are not the same … there’s also the ever-present tension between freedom and virtue, between order and liberty.” Social conservatives are perhaps the hardest hit by this trend, as they see some of the issues they’ve long advocated losing favor, even among fellow conservatives.

With this in mind, libertarian-leaning social conservative Sen. Rand Paul is expected to address this tension in his speech at the Family Research Council’s 2014 Values Voter Summit today. In a first draft, obtained by The Daily Caller, Paul says:

“Some seem to believe you must choose either liberty or virtue — that to be virtuous you can’t have too much liberty. That is exactly wrong. Liberty is absolutely essential to virtue. It is our freedom to make individual choices that allows us to be virtuous.”

...

read more:
http://dailycaller.com/2014/09/26/rand-paul-to-stress-fusionism-at-values-voters/
 
He doesn't need to write a speech. Silent Cal wrote one for him.

I hope Cal at least gets quoted...


' We need a broader, firmer, deeper faith in the people, a faith that men desire to do right, that the commonwealth is founded upon a righteousness which will endure, a reconstructive faith that the final approval of the people is given not to demagogues slavishly pandering to their selfishness, merchandizing with the clamor of the hour, but to the statesmen ministering to their welfare, representing their deep silent, abiding conviction.'--Calvin Coolidge

'The chief business of the American people is business. The chief ideal of the American people is idealism. Any newspaper who forgets this will not get very far. And the American people are idealistic people.'--Calvin Coolidge

'Proposals for promoting the peace of the world will have careful consideration. But we are not a people who are always seeking for a sign. We know that peace comes from honesty and fair dealing, from moderation, and a generous regard for the rights of others. The heart of the Nation is more important than treaties.'--Calvin Coolidge

More important than laws, too.

'When people are bewildered, they tend to become credulous.'--Calvin Coolidge

'It is difficult for men in high office to avoid the malady of self-delusion. They are always surrounded by worshipers. They are constantly, and for the most part sincerely, assured of their greatness. They live in an artificial atmosphere of adulation and exaltation which sooner or later impairs their judgment. They are in grave danger of becoming careless and arrogant.'--Calvin Coolidge

'Duty is not collective. It is personal.'--Calvin Coolidge

'There is danger of disappointment and disaster unless there be a wider comprehension of the limitations of the law. The attempt to regulate, control, and prescribe all manner of conduct and social relations is very old. It was always the practice of primitive peoples. Such governments assumed jurisdiction over the action, property, life, and even religious convictions of their citizens down to the minutest detail. A large part of the history of free institutions is the history of the people struggling to emancipate themselves from all of this bondage.'--Calvin Coolidge

'Little progress can be made by merely attempting to repress what is evil. Our great hope lies in developing what is good.'--Calvin Coolidge

'Peace will come when there is realization that only under a reign of law, based on righteousness and supported by the religious conviction of the brotherhood of man, can there be any hope of a complete and satisfying life. Parchment will fail, the sword will fail, it is only the spiritual nature of man that can be triumphant.'--Calvin Coolidge

'A display of reason rather than a threat of force should be the determining factor in the intercourse among nations.'--Calvin Coolidge

'The people cannot look to legislation generally for success. Industry, thrift, character, are not conferred by act or resolve.'--Calvin Coolidge

'It is much more important to kill bad bills than to pass good ones.'--Calvin Coolidge

'I sometimes wish that people would put a little more emphasis upon the observance of the law than they do upon its enforcement.'--Calvin Coolidge

'The only way I know to drive out evil from the country is by the constructive method of filling it with good.'--Calvin Coolidge

'Governments do not make ideals, but ideals make governments.'--Calvin Coolidge

'Men do not make laws. They do but discover them. Laws must be justified by something more than the will of the majority. They must rest on the eternal foundation of righteousness.'—Calvin Coolidge

'We have got so many regulatory laws already that in general I feel that we would be just as well off if we didn’t have any more.'—Calvin Coolidge

'Unfortunately the Federal Government has strayed far afield from its legitimate business. It has trespassed upon fields where there should be no trespass. If we could confine our Federal expenditures to the legitimate obligations and functions of the Federal Government, a material reduction would be apparent. But far more important than this would be its effect upon the fabric of our constitutional form of government, which tends to be gradually weakened and undermined by this encroachment.'—Calvin Coolidge

'Freedom is not only bought with a great price; it is maintained by unremitting effort.'—Calvin Coolidge

'We need more of the Office Desk and less of the Show Window in politics. Let men in office substitute the midnight oil for the limelight.'--Calvin Coolidge

'Perhaps one of the most important accomplishments of my administration has been minding my own business.'--Calvin Coolidge

'There are those who would discard this plan and substitute they know not what. They would turn from a certainty, tested by time, approved by experience, to some vague experiment. They point out imperfections, for even Americans have not fully realized their ideals. There are imperfections. But the ideal is right. It is everlastingly right. What our country needs is the moral power to hold to it.'--Calvin Coolidge

'These are the great charities of man on which civilization has rested. They cannot be administered by government. They come from the heart of the people or they do not come at all. They are for the redemption of man. There is no other. Civilization is always on trial, testing out, not the power of material resources, but whether there be, in the heart of the people, that virtue and character which come from charity sufficient to maintain progress. When that charity fails, civilization, though it "speak with the tongues of men and of angels," is "become as sounding brass or a tinkling cymbal." Its glory has departed. Its spirit has gone out. Its life is done.

'The final solution of these problems will not be found in the interposition of government in all the affairs of the people, but rather in following the wisdom of Washington, who refused to exercise authority over the people, that the people might exercise authority over themselves. It is not in the laying on of force, but in the development of the public conscience that salvation lies.'--Calvin Coolidge

'So long as the National Government confined itself to providing those fundamentals of liberty, order, and justice for which it was primarily established, its course was reasonably clear and plain. No large amount of revenue was required. No great swarms of public employees were necessary. There was little clash of special interests or different sections, and what there was of this nature consisted not of petty details but of broad principles. There was time for the consideration of great questions of policy. There was an opportunity for mature deliberation. What the government undertook to do it could perform with a fair degree of accuracy and precision.

'But this has all been changed by embarking on a policy of a general exercise of police powers, by the public control of much private enterprise and private conduct, and of furnishing a public supply for much private need. Here are these enormous obligations which the people found they themselves were imperfectly discharging. They therefore undertook to lay their burdens on the National Government. Under this weight the former accuracy of administration breaks down. The government has not at its disposal a supply of ability, honesty, and character necessary for the solution of all these problems, or an executive capacity great enough for their perfect administration. Nor is it in the possession of a wisdom which enables it to take great enterprises and manage them with no ground for criticism. We cannot rid ourselves of the human element in our affairs by an act of legislation which places them under the jurisdiction of a public commission.'--Calvin Coolidge

'There are two broad theories which have held sway in the world. One is the system of class and caste, the system of servitude of body and of mind, of a claim of divine right of the rulers by inheritance--a system where the individual is nothing and the government is all supreme. Under such a conception there can be no real freedom, no independent choice, and therefore no responsibility. The people look to the rulers. They do what they are told to do; they believe what they are told to believe. A bureaucracy will grow up under which will be rigid supervision of every activity, whether public or private. Paternalism will flourish in its worst form. Carried to its logical conclusion, such institutions might provide, for a short space of time, a machine of apparent great efficiency. But such a result could be but temporary. Either the life will go out of such a community, its initiative will vanish, and its society will fossilize into a state where there is neither hope nor progress, or undertaking to extend its dominion by aggression in accordance with its principle, it will be beset from without and overcome, or responding to an irresistible urge, its own subjects, casting down this artificial edifice, will assert their true nature in a declaration of their right to be free. Governments apparently stable and a seeming civilization have been reared on this theory, but always their end has been destruction.

'There is another system with which every American should be familiar, a system of equality and of freedom, not without the claim of divine right but recognizing that such right reposes in the people; a system where the individual is clothed with inalienable rights, the people are supreme, the government is their agent. Under this conception there is real freedom, real independence, and grave personal responsibility. The rulers look to the people. Their authority is the public will, ascertained in accordance with law. There will be the least possible interference with private affairs. Realizing that it is the people who support the government and not the government which supports the people, there will be no resort to paternalism. Under such institutions there may appear to be a lack of machine-like efficiency, but there will be no lack of character. Private initiative will be stimulated. Self-reliance and self-control will be increased. Society will remain a living organism sustaining hope and progress, content to extend its dominion not by conquest but by service. Such is the system of self-government, the orderly rule of the people, carrying within itself a remedy for its own disorders and the power of self-perpetuation. This is the ideal of America.

'No one would say that existence under these conditions is effortless. Independence is exceedingly exacting, self-control is arduous, self-government is difficult. Always there is the temptation that some element of these should be surrendered in exchange for security and ease. The appeal to passion and prejudice always lies in this direction. The proposal to despoil others of their possessions is a manifestation of the same spirit. This is the reason that to certain of our native-born, and more often to our foreign-born, the American Republic proves a disappointment. They thought that self-government meant the absence of all restraint, that independence meant living without work, and that freedom was the privilege of doing what they wanted to do. It has been a hard lesson for them to learn that self-government is still government, that the rule of the people does not mean absence of authority, that independence means self-support, and that complete freedom means complete obedience to law They are disappointed more than ever when they learn, as ever they do, that these are so, not because they have been decreed by some body of men, but that they are so by the very nature of things, and all the governments in the world are powerless to change them.'--Calvin Coolidge

'It is never the part of wisdom to minimize the power of evil, but it is far less the part of wisdom to forget the power of good.'--Calvin Coolidge

'One of the chief errors of the present day is that of relying too much on the government and too little on our own efforts and on the people themselves. This comes to pass by supposing that, when there is something which ought to be done, we can avoid all personal responsibility by a simple ordinance requiring that hereafter it shall be done by the government. We cannot divest ourselves of our burdens and responsibilities by any such easy method. Where the people themselves are the government, it needs no argument to demonstrate that what the people cannot do their government cannot do.'--Calvin Coolidge

'The country cannot be run on the promise of what it will do for the people. The only motive to which they will continue ready to respond is the opportunity to do something for themselves, to achieve their own greatness, to work out their own destiny.'--Calvin Coolidge

'It is necessary always to give a great deal of thought to liberty. There is no substitute for it. Nothing else is quite so effective. Unless it be preserved, there is little else that is worth while. In complete freedom of action the people oftentimes have a more effective remedy than can be supplied by government interference. Individual initiative, in the long run, is a firmer reliance than bureaucratic supervision. When the people work out their own economic and social destiny, they generally reach sound conclusions.'--Calvin Coolidge

'We do not need more government, we need more culture. We do not need more law, we need more religion. We do not need more of the things that are seen, we need more of the things that are unseen.'--Calvin Coolidge
 
Is Rand Paul completely indifferent to apartheid in Israel?

Clearly, American apartheid is a hell of a lot more important to him and the "fusion" voters.

http://www.counterpunch.org/2014/06/13/americas-new-apartheid/

. Many people associate the mass imprisonment of a population with authoritarian regimes. Consequently, many Americans are surprised when they learn that the country that incarcerates more of its own citizens than any other is the United States. With 2.3 million prisoners, the “land of the free” has more people in prison than China, which has a population four times the size of the United States. A hugely disproportionate percentage of those incarcerated are African-Americans as Washington’s war on drugs constitutes the latest incarnation of racist policies that have existed since the country’s founding.

XNN
 
Clearly, American apartheid is a hell of a lot more important to him and the "fusion" voters.

It is to me as well. I really couldn't give less of a shit anymore about any of the people in the middle east; we've got our own problems to deal with. If that makes me an isolationist, so be it.
 
Unlike you and others, Rand doesn't support interfering in the internal affairs of other countries.

I don't support interfering in any countries unless they attack our borders or provide safe haven for pirates. I'm just not understanding why Rand Paul wants to give our tax dollars to a nation that imprisons people in ghettos.
 
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That is incorrect. He gave verbal support to Israel, and also voted to give Israel more aid during the recent dustups.

I don't exactly see how verbal support equals intervention. He's mostly just said that Israel has a right to defend themselves, which is a non interventionist position. You have a point when it comes to the issue of foreign aid, yet he still said in a recent interview that he ultimately wants to end all foreign aid, even aid to Israel.
 
UNLESS that country yells out ISIS! Then you will be all for "interfering" right TC? Consistency is difficult. I know.

The Iraqi government asked us to provide air strikes to fight back ISIS in their country. So I don't consider that to be an example of interfering in their affairs when they specifically asked us to help them out with air strikes. We didn't use military action there against their will.
 
It is to me as well. I really couldn't give less of a shit anymore about any of the people in the middle east; we've got our own problems to deal with. If that makes me an isolationist, so be it.

This is how I feel too. #sorrynotsorry
 
I don't exactly see how verbal support equals intervention. He's mostly just said that Israel has a right to defend themselves, which is a non interventionist position. You have a point when it comes to the issue of foreign aid, yet he still said in a recent interview that he ultimately wants to end all foreign aid, even aid to Israel.

He publicly stated he wants Israel to have more money, and clearly took Israel's side on the issue. He backed that rhetoric up with a vote for more money to be sent to Israel.

It's not hard to see why taking one side of an international issue can be a problem. Especially when you back that opinion up with the barrel of a gun.
 
The Iraqi government asked us to provide air strikes to fight back ISIS in their country. So I don't consider that to be an example of interfering in their affairs when they specifically asked us to help them out with air strikes. We didn't use military action there against their will.

Taking sides in a civil war and murdering thousands of people is not noninterventionist. Who made the "Iraqi Government" universally legitimate? Some establishment of bureaucrats in a foreign country ask us to murder their political adversaries and will willfully comply? I must be missing something.
 
Taking sides in a civil war and murdering thousands of people is not noninterventionist. Who made the "Iraqi Government" universally legitimate? Some establishment of bureaucrats in a foreign country ask us to murder their political adversaries and will willfully comply? I must be missing something.

It's more like an invasion than a civil war. Most of the ISIS members in Iraq aren't even from Iraq. They're from Syria. It's more similar to a situation where one of our allies were attacked and we came to help them. Not to mention that this group has already beheaded two Americans and has stated that their goal is to attack America and kill Americans. I along with Rand see a difference between legitimate self defense on the one hand, and unnecessary intervention when we interfere in the internal affairs of other countries. I agree with Rand that we shouldn't intervene in Israel to try to stop "apartheid."
 
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