Ok.....need some big gun help from you of the more informed

Intoxiklown

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This is a moderator from a gun rights site who is also a lawyer (I know). Any advice, points, ect to put this guy who says our entire government and our rights are at the whim of who happens to sit on a court bench in place are greatly appreciated:



Intox said: ↑

....The Supreme Court is a product of the Constitution, and as such has no power to re-write the Constitution at a whim. They are bound to it, and any ruling they issue that conflicts with it is null and void.....
(Yes, I stole this quote....lol)

That is your fundamental misunderstanding and makes all your subsequent claims legally pointless.

There is simply no one to decide that a Supreme Court decision is "null and void." Whatever, the Supreme Court decides in the context of the case at bar will be put into effect and affect the lives and property of real people in the real world. Strutting around braying that the Court's decision is "null and void" will change nothing. As Justice Robert Jackson pointed out, referring to the Supreme Court:

We are not final because we are infallible, but we are infallible only because we are final.

You might find that philosophically unsatisfying, but it is simple reality.

And who would decide that a ruling by the Supreme Court conflicts with the Constitution? Is that your call? You might have an opinion, but what about someone else's opinion which conflicts with yours. And each of you might have your respective authorities to point to and your logical arguments to support your respective positions. Who would decide which of you is correct? According to the Founding Fathers, as provided in Article III, Sections 1 and 2 of the Constitution, it would be the province of the Supreme Court to decide.

And again, the decisions on matters of law of courts affect the lives and property of real people in the real world. Your opinions on matters of law do not (nor do all the quotes of Founding Fathers and others affect the lives and property of real people in the real world). And even the Founding Fathers would challenge your view here:

Hamilton in Federalist No. 78:

....If it be said that the legislative body are themselves the constitutional judges of their own powers, and that the construction they put upon them is conclusive upon the other departments, it may be answered, that this cannot be the natural presumption, where it is not to be collected from any particular provisions in the Constitution. It is not otherwise to be supposed, that the Constitution could intend to enable the representatives of the people to substitute their WILL to that of their constituents. It is far more rational to suppose, that the courts were designed to be an intermediate body between the people and the legislature, in order, among other things, to keep the latter within the limits assigned to their authority. The interpretation of the laws is the proper and peculiar province of the courts. A constitution is, in fact, and must be regarded by the judges, as a fundamental law. It therefore belongs to them to ascertain its meaning, as well as the meaning of any particular act proceeding from the legislative body. If there should happen to be an irreconcilable variance between the two, that which has the superior obligation and validity ought, of course, to be preferred; or, in other words, the Constitution ought to be preferred to the statute, ....


And Madison in Federalist No. 39:

....the proposed government cannot be deemed a NATIONAL one; since its jurisdiction extends to certain enumerated objects only, and leaves to the several States a residuary and inviolable sovereignty over all other objects. It is true that in controversies relating to the boundary between the two jurisdictions, the tribunal which is ultimately to decide, is to be established under the general government. But this does not change the principle of the case. The decision is to be impartially made, according to the rules of the Constitution; and all the usual and most effectual precautions are taken to secure this impartiality. Some such tribunal is clearly essential to prevent an appeal to the sword and a dissolution of the compact; and that it ought to be established under the general rather than under the local governments, or, to speak more properly, that it could be safely established under the first alone, is a position not likely to be combated....

And not the Constitution, nor any law, is self executing. Laws are tools used by courts to decide matters. The meaning and utility of laws comes from their use by courts for that purpose.

The reality is that our Constitution has served as a governing document of this republic for over 200 years. We've survived a panoply of travails, including civil war, economic ups and downs, an assortment of lousy elected officials, and some really lousy laws (like Prohibition) -- and yet we endure.

The judiciary, as other branches of government, is still subject to checks and balances. So if a judge's decision is unsatisfactory, the ball might well be in the court of the legislature.

It's not the proper role of a court to decide if the result is good or bad. It's the job of a court to apply the the law and applicable precedent to decide the case. It can sometimes be argued that in a given case the law was not properly applied, or the result of applying the law and precedent can in fact be unsatisfactory to some. We could think that a law is a bad idea or bad public policy, and that law could be entirely within the power of Congress to enact and perfectly constitutional. Being constitutional does not guarantee that a law is a good thing.

I often cite the case of Kelo v. City of New London, 545 U.S. 469 (2005) as an example of this phenomenon. It was a ruling on a technical point of eminent domain law (specifically involving the "takings" clause of the Fifth Amendment applied to the States through the 14th Amendment and the meaning of "public use"). The result was found to be unsatisfactory by many. As a consequence, the legislatures of 42 States revised those States' eminent domain laws to avoid a Kelo result. "Checks and balances" at work.

There is also the possibility of amending the Constitution. That's a difficult thing to do, and the Founding Fathers set things up that way. But if can be done, and has been done, when the consequences of a Supreme Court ruling are sufficiently unsatisfactory.

Perhaps the clearest, and most unhappy, example is the income tax. In 1895 the Supreme Court ruled in Pollock v. Farmers’ Loan & Trust Co. ( 157 U.S. 429 (1895) ; 158 U.S. 601 (1895)) that the Constitution did not give the federal government the power to levy a tax on income. But national solvency was a significant concern that the Sixteenth Amendment was adopted.

So no, a ruling of the Supreme Court that you, or someone else, thinks conflicts with the Constitution is not "null and void."
 
I can't find fault in his summary. The judiciary was one of the worst creations of the CONstitution. It started out the weakest body but quickly grew to power under Madison. What use is a document when 9 clowns in gowns can re-interpret it in anyway they choose? There are no checks and balances from either the legislative or the executive on the judiciary. If the judiciary determined that the original intent of the sentence "The sky is blue" means "The sky is green" then the sky is indeed green. In the words of former Justice Charles Evans Hughes, "We are under a Constitution, but the Constitution is what the judges say it is."
 
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I can't find fault in his summary. The judiciary was one of the worst creations of the CONstitution. It started out the weakest body but quickly grew to power under Madison. What use is a document when 9 clowns in gowns can re-interpret it in anyway they choose? There are no checks and balances from either the legislative or the executive on the judiciary. If the judiciary determined that the original intent of the sentence "The sky is blue" means "The sky is green" then the sky is indeed green. In the words of former Justice Charles Evans Hughes, "We are under a Constitution, but the Constitution is what the judges say it is."

Wouldn't Madison's assertion from his Report of 1800 clarify the court's realm to a degree though?

"However true therefore it may be that the Judicial Department, is, in all questions submitted to it by the forms of the constitution, to decide in the last resort, this resort must necessarily be deemed the last in relation to the authorities of the other departments of the government; not in relation to the rights of the parties to the constitutional compact, from which the judicial as well as the other departments hold their delegated trusts" - Madison

Or is he speaking to state government rather than individuals?
 
Wouldn't Madison's assertion from his Report of 1800 clarify the court's realm to a degree though?

"However true therefore it may be that the Judicial Department, is, in all questions submitted to it by the forms of the constitution, to decide in the last resort, this resort must necessarily be deemed the last in relation to the authorities of the other departments of the government; not in relation to the rights of the parties to the constitutional compact, from which the judicial as well as the other departments hold their delegated trusts" - Madison

Or is he speaking to state government rather than individuals?

Clarification. It was the court under Marshall. The case was Maybury vs. Madison. I'm sorry, but I'm typing on the fly after working today and have to get to the family gathering. I don't know that will have much time to explore this. Hopefully another RPF'er can chime in.
 
[h=2]Article III (Article 3 - Judicial)[/h][h=3]Section 1[/h]The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour, and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services, a Compensation, which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office.



Congress should be impeaching Judges who violate the Constitution but they have never once done so.
 
Congress should be impeaching Judges who violate the Constitution but they have never once done so.

Congress is mostly interested in avoiding responsibility and is willing to cede power to either of the other two branches of the government. Look, we have elections every other year so how about you guys take care of it? This way the sheep will not blame us when it is time for them to cast votes.:cool:
 
Congress is mostly interested in avoiding responsibility and is willing to cede power to either of the other two branches of the government. Look, we have elections every other year so how about you guys take care of it? This way the sheep will not blame us when it is time for them to cast votes.:cool:

One of the worst features of our system is the ability to shift blame, the sheep fall for it every time, everyone hates Congress but loves their Congressman.
 
One of the worst features of our system is the ability to shift blame, the sheep fall for it every time, everyone hates Congress but loves their Congressman.

At this point the congress has effectively shifted all of their responsibilities to the other branches of the government. What is the point of their existence? Allowing you to vent off when you are frustrated? Their jobs should be removed and outsourced to an answering service - 1-900-CONGRESS only $4.95 per minute billed in 1 second increments. First 10 seconds free. :cool:
 
Clarification. It was the court under Marshall. The case was Maybury vs. Madison. I'm sorry, but I'm typing on the fly after working today and have to get to the family gathering. I don't know that will have much time to explore this. Hopefully another RPF'er can chime in.

I gave rep, but just wanted to actually say thank you for helping to educate me some.
 
At this point the congress has effectively shifted all of their responsibilities to the other branches of the government. What is the point of their existence? Allowing you to vent off when you are frustrated? Their jobs should be removed and outsourced to an answering service - 1-900-CONGRESS only $4.95 per minute billed in 1 second increments. First 10 seconds free. :cool:

LOL

I'm sorry, but this was funny. I mean to the point of funny that I actually could see one of those old school late night TV 900 number commercials for "young hot girls want to talk", but for Congress.
 
[h=2]Article III (Article 3 - Judicial)[/h][h=3]Section 1[/h]The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour, and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services, a Compensation, which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office.



Congress should be impeaching Judges who violate the Constitution but they have never once done so.

Gotta spread, or I would have had to have +Rep'ed that for getting straight to the root cause of a problem
 
It becomes a lot easier to dispute what he is babbling about when you lose the Constitutional argument. He is a legal positivist. Rights do not come from the Constitution. Rights were attempted to be outlined within the Constitution, specifically the Bill of Rights. 'Congress shall make no law abridging the Freedom of speech.' The framers are acknowledging that Rights preceded the Constitution. He believes that Rights come from the majority or the plurality and are subject to change with the times.

The Constitution has either authorized the government we have or has been powerless to defend against it.

I have a moral Right to defend myself. Period.

That is regardless of what laws a given majority decide to enforce or what Constitution I'm born under.

Their immoral and positivist laws are null and void because they are kangaroos. I don't dance on command. Realistically if more people openly or subtly nullified their decisions would be effectively worthless. Which insofar as I am concerned, any law in opposition to freedom IS null and void.
 
Question:

When the states declared their independence from the British crown, who then occupied the position over all American law that this lawyer believes the Supreme court now occupies?

And when the signers of the Declaration of Independence strutted and brayed that that regime's rulings were null and void, did it have an effect?

As Justice Robert Jackson pointed out, referring to the Supreme Court:

We are not final because we are infallible, but we are infallible only because we are final.

Another way of saying this is, "What the Supreme Court says is infallible. We know this because the Supreme Court says so."

Hopefully this lawyer can see the vicious circularity of this claim.
 
But really, where you get off on the wrong foot is by treating the Constitution itself as legitimate in the first place.

Whatever can be said against the legal authority of the Supreme Court can also be said against the legal authority of the Constitution for similar reasons.
 
It's odd that this interlocutor quoted Federalist 78. He was deceptively selective in that. I suspect he must know it. The quote he gives doesn't really support his position. On the other hand, there's much else in the same paper that totally contradicts it. I would present quotes, but it would be better to read it in its entirety.
 
The Supreme Court is bound to rule according to the Law... so what law is that? The Constitution is presented to be the Supreme Law of the land, along with any federal statutes that are legitimately passed in Pursuance thereof.
Now, since all power that the Supreme Court can exercise stems from the Constitutional grant of power that creates it, how can it have the power to supersede it? What law would it derive that power from and be legitimate in that exercise?
Expecting a lawyer to be honest about this is really a stretch though... :rolleyes:
 
The Supreme Court is bound to rule according to the Law... so what law is that? The Constitution is presented to be the Supreme Law of the land, along with any federal statutes that are legitimately passed in Pursuance thereof.
Now, since all power that the Supreme Court can exercise stems from the Constitutional grant of power that creates it, how can it have the power to supersede it? What law would it derive that power from and be legitimate in that exercise?
Expecting a lawyer to be honest about this is really a stretch though... :rolleyes:

Just shut up and let us tell you what you are supposed to think.:cool:
 
The Supreme Court isn't final. Congress may impeach them. It only LOOKS final because Congress has been all but completely emasculated by corruption.
 
This is a moderator from a gun rights site:
There is simply no one to decide that a Supreme Court decision is "null and void."

Well, I knew this guy was BS from the start. When in doubt, go the 10th Amendment Center:


The Myth of Marbury v Madison

Theory Colloquium Series seeks to clear up the myths associated with the Marbury decision. In the first sentence of his 2004 paper, “The Irrepressible Myth of Marbury,” Michael Stokes Paulsen sets the mood for the rest: Nearly all of American constitutional law today rests on a myth.

“A long, long time ago — 1803, if the storyteller is trying to be precise — in the famous case of Marbury v. Madison the Supreme Court of the United States created the doctrine of ‘judicial review.’ Judicial review is the power of the Supreme Court to decide the meaning of the Constitution and to strike down laws that the Court finds unconstitutional.”

This myth, he continues, allows the Supreme Court to dictate what the Constitution means via “opinions,” i.e. ex cathedra pronouncements. Though those rulings are supposed to be binding and create a firm precedent, this doesn’t stop them from being overruled by future courts.

“Nearly every feature of the myth is wrong,” Paulsen writes. “For openers, Marbury v. Madison did not create the concept of judicial review, but (in this respect) applied well-established principles. The idea that courts possess an independent power and duty to interpret the law, and in the course of doing so must refuse to give effect to acts of the legislature that contravene the Constitution, was well accepted by the time Marbury rolled around, more than a dozen years after the Constitution was ratified.”

Alexander Hamilton addressed this in Federalist No. 78, writing that the Constitution itself was supreme over any law or ruling.

The interpretation of the laws is the proper and peculiar province of the courts. A constitution is, in fact, and must be regarded by the judges, as a fundamental law. It therefore belongs to them to ascertain its meaning, as well as the meaning of any particular act proceeding from the legislative body. If there should happen to be an irreconcilable variance between the two, that which has the superior obligation and validity ought, of course, to be preferred; or, in other words, the Constitution ought to be preferred to the statute, the intention of the people to the intention of their agents. . . .(emphasis added).

Yet, Paulsen says, the power of judicial review was “never understood by proponents and defenders of the Constitution as a power of judicial supremacy over the other branches, much less one of judicial exclusivity in constitutional interpretation.”

Incidentally, nowhere in the Constitution is the court given supreme authority over the other two branches. The Constitution itself, instead, was declared to be supreme, not the will of individuals holding federal office tasked with enforcing it.

Additionally, the Paulsen states that Chief Justice Marshall’s opinion on the Marbury case makes no claim of judicial supremacy. Taking Marshall’s statements out of context misrepresents what he and others considered the power of judicial review, which Paulsen defines as:

A coordinate, coequal power of courts to judge for themselves the conformity of acts of the other two branches with the fundamental law of the Constitution, and to refuse to give acts contradicting the Constitution any force or effect insofar as application of the judicial power is concerned.”

In other words, what Marshall and other justices were arguing in Marbury v. Madison wasn’t the idea of judicial supremacy, that the Supreme Court was the highest authority in the government. Their argument was that the judicial branch of the federal government derived its authority to interpret and apply the provisions within the Constitution from the Constitution itself. It did not derive its powers from the other two branches, but from the same document from which they received theirs.

Within the historical context of political science, this was a new and revolutionary idea.

Marshall states that the Supremacy Clause “confirms and strengthens the principle, supposed to be essential to all written constitutions, that a law repugnant to the constitution is void; and that courts, as well as other departments, are bound by that instrument” (emphasis added).

“The logic of Marbury implies not, as it is so widely assumed today, judicial supremacy, but constitutional supremacy — the supremacy of the document itself over misapplications of its dictates by any and all subordinate agencies created by it,” Paulsen writes.

As an example of distorted statements, he cites an oft-quoted statement from Marshall’s opinion that “It is emphatically the province and duty of the judicial department to say what the law is.”

Taken by itself, it may sound like he is arguing for judicial supremacy. But, Paulsen claims, not only does this quote ignore relevant statements in the same paragraph, but it is just paraphrasing Hamilton from Federalist No. 78 in which he says “[t]he interpretation of the laws is the proper and peculiar province of the courts.”

Marshall goes on to write “Those who apply the rule to particular cases, must of necessity expound and interpret that rule. If two laws conflict with each other, the courts must decide on the operation of each.”

Paulsen argues that this concept of judicial independence is wholly separate from judicial supremacy, in which the Supreme Court’s opinions are considered binding on all other branches of government, including the states.

“This is a far cry from a claim of judicial supremacy,” Paulsen writes. “It is merely a statement that, when performing the judicial task calls for deciding whether an act of Congress departs from the Constitution, the courts are up to the task. It is within the judicial province to make such a determination, and to make it independently of what Congress has determined.”

If this is the case, it bears little resemblance to the modern Supreme Court, which has joined hands with the other two branches of the federal government in violating the Constitution by issuing rulings that not only uphold their unconstitutional behavior, but go beyond even its own authority.

And this is defended under the concept of judicial review, in which the Supreme Court gets to decide the legality of any legal decision regardless of what the Constitution itself says and all branches of the government are bound to enforce their decision.

Almost all of these problems plaguing constitutional law, Paulsen believes, are the result of “the fundamental betrayal of Marbury’s premises and Marbury’s logic.”

Correctly read, Marbury stands for constitutional supremacy rather than judicial supremacy,” Paulsen states. “And constitutional supremacy implies strict textualism as a controlling method of constitutional interpretation, not free-wheeling judicial discretion” (emphasis added).

While Paulsen’s critique of the Marbury Myth is insightful and refreshing, it also indirectly demonstrates a fatal flaw in the federalist system without the power of the states to check unconstitutional authority via nullification: What if the Supreme Court, or any branch of the federal government, go beyond their constitutional authority and simply issue rulings based on their own beliefs and consider them binding on the whole nation? What if all three do so simultaneously or fail to check the others?

The fear of a tyrannical courts was expressed by anti-federalist “Brutus” (likely Robert Yates, a politician and judge) who wrote in Anti-Federalist 78-79 that there was nothing to prevent judges from supplanting the plain meaning of the text with their own misinterpretation.


There is no power above them, to control any of their decisions. There is no authority that can remove them, and they cannot be controlled by the laws of the legislature. In short, they are independent of the people, of the legislature, and of every power under heaven. Men placed in this situation will generally soon feel themselves independent of heaven itself.

Fortunately, Jefferson and Madison foresaw this problem arising, as well. They understood that the obvious problems with giving the federal judiciary the exclusive authority of enforcing the limits of the Constitution. It was on this basis they crafted the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions. In those resolutions, they declared that the states, which had created the federal government, were “duty-bound” to resist unconstitutional acts no matter which branch they originated from.

As Jefferson stated in the Kentucky Resolution:

That the several States composing, the United States of America, are not united on the principle of unlimited submission to their general government; but that, by a compact under the style and title of a Constitution for the United States, and of amendments thereto, they constituted a general government for special purposes — delegated to that government certain definite powers, reserving, each State to itself, the residuary mass of right to their own self-government; (emphasis added)

[T]hat the government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the measure of its powers.(emphasis added)

If the judiciary failed to defend the Constitution, Jefferson wrote, nullification was the “rightful remedy,” and the Myth of Marbury, which Paulsen’s paper attacks, is a perfect example of why.


http://tenthamendmentcenter.com/2015/03/08/the-myth-of-marbury-v-madison/
 
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