I don't know. The Trump fanbois still think he'll put Hillary in prison someday. They're the ones, however, scouting up loopholes through which Biden might escape the same fate. That's all I'm saying.
Is this escalation? Does each half of government get to ignore more laws than the last, out of retaliation, forever?
Crimes? What crimes?
Ain't nobody knows anything about any "crimes".
At least, not at the Department of "Just Us" ... (and not except with respect to Trump, anyway ...)
https://twitter.com/Snowden/status/1783620584548466786
& https://twitter.com/Snowden/status/1783623343410700730
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Really I want Fauci prosecuted more than anybody but that's not likely either.
Fewer than [half of] 1% of federal criminal defendants were acquitted in 2022
https://www.pewresearch.org/short-r...ederal-criminal-cases-were-acquitted-in-2022/
{John Gramlich | 14 June 2023}
Former President Donald Trump pleaded not guilty this week to federal criminal charges related to his alleged mishandling of classified documents after his departure from the White House in 2021. The unprecedented charges against Trump and his subsequent plea raise the question: How common is it for defendants in federal criminal cases to plead not guilty, go to trial and ultimately be acquitted?
In fiscal year 2022, only 290 of 71,954 defendants in federal criminal cases – about 0.4% – went to trial and were acquitted, according to a Pew Research Center analysis of the latest available statistics from the federal judiciary. Another 1,379 went to trial and were found guilty (1.9%).
The overwhelming majority of defendants in federal criminal cases that year did not go to trial at all. About nine-in-ten (89.5%) pleaded guilty, while another 8.2% had their case dismissed at some point in the judicial process, according to the data from the Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts.
These statistics include all defendants charged in U.S. district courts with felonies and serious misdemeanors, as well as some defendants charged with petty offenses. They do not include federal defendants whose cases were handled by magistrate judges or the much broader universe of defendants in state courts. Defendants who entered pleas of “no contest,” in which they accept criminal punishment but do not admit guilt, are also excluded. The 2022 federal fiscal year began Oct. 1, 2021, and ended Sept. 30, 2022.
The U.S. Justice Department indicted Trump earlier this month on 37 counts relating to seven criminal charges: willful retention of national defense information, conspiracy to obstruct justice, withholding a document or record, corruptly concealing a document or record, concealing a document in a federal investigation, scheme to conceal, and false statements and representations.
Trump’s case is being heard in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Florida, where acquittal rates look similar to the national average. In fiscal 2022, only 12 of 1,944 total defendants in the Southern District of Florida – about 0.6% – were acquitted at trial. As was the case nationally, the vast majority of defendants in Florida’s Southern District (86.2%) pleaded guilty that year, while 10.7% had their cases dismissed.
It’s not clear from the federal judiciary’s statistics how many other defendants nationally or in the Southern District of Florida faced the same or similar charges that Trump is facing or how those cases ended.
Broadly speaking, however, the charges against Trump are rare. In fiscal 2022, more than eight-in-ten federal criminal defendants in the United States faced charges related to one of four other broad categories of crime: drug offenses (31%), immigration offenses (25%), firearms and explosives offenses (16%) or property offenses (11%). In Florida’s Southern District, too, more than eight-in-ten defendants faced charges related to these four categories.
Trump, of course, is not a typical federal defendant. He is the first former president ever to face federal criminal charges and is running for president again in 2024. The federal case against Trump is still in its early stages, and it’s unclear when – or whether – it will proceed to trial.
Well yeah if they kept slapping an overabundance of charges on any of us, eventually they could probably build a case.
That's exactly how they do it. They slather on the charges ("three felonies a day"), accumulating longer potential terms of incarceration - so defendants (who do not have the effectively "infinite" resources available to the feds) are strongly incentivized to accept deals in which they plead "guilty" in order to reduce or avoid lengthier prison sentences (keeping in mind that there is no parole for federal convictions).
The only alternative is to imagine that federal prosecutors are (1) so extremely competent that they are able to win even the iffiest cases (so much so that even innocent defendants feel compelled to acquiesce), or (2) so extremely restrained that they only ever take on cases that are obvious "slam dunks" (so much so that even guilty defendants feel compelled to acquiesce).
Crimes? What crimes?
Ain't nobody knows anything about any "crimes".
At least, not at the Department of "Just Us" ... (and not except with respect to Trump, anyway ...)
https://twitter.com/Snowden/status/1783620584548466786
& https://twitter.com/Snowden/status/1783623343410700730
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In Smith v. United States, 2023, our Supreme Court confirmed an improper venue for a criminal trial can be vacated with the possibility of a retrial.
So, what was the proper venue to try Trump for “high crimes and misdemeanors” . . . the United States District Court for the District of Columbia, or, the United States Senate, which appears to have "sole power" to try "high crimes and misdemeanors” and acquitted Trump of the charges?
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Impeachment is a civil proceeding, so the constitutional provision vesting the Senate with the sole power to try impeachments does not apply to a criminal proceeding . . .
According to you.
In Smith v. United States, 2023, our Supreme Court, in a unanimous ruling, confirmed an improper venue for a criminal trial can be vacated...
According to you.
SCOTUS will decide this issue, but the Justices during oral arguments in Trump's case were dubious about his claim of absolute immunity
“At the time of ratification of the Constitution, the phrase “high crimes and misdemeanors” thus appears understood to have applied to uniquely “political” offenses, or misdeeds committed by public officials against the state.90 Such offenses simply resist a full delineation, as the possible range of potential misdeeds in office cannot be determined in advance.91 Instead, the type of misconduct that merits impeachment is worked out over time through the political process. In the years following the Constitution’s ratification, precisely what behavior constitutes a high crime or misdemeanor has thus been the subject of much debate.92”
He's not the president
We are talking about the proper venue to try a president for crimes considered to be impeachable offenses.
Plaintiff also has no legal foundation for his claim that double jeopardy bars his impeachment. Impeachment is a wholly separate proceeding from a criminal trial, and it has an entirely different purpose, that is to remove from office those judges who have failed to serve during good behavior. Impeachment is sui generis. Double jeopardy no more bars an impeachment trial following a criminal trial than it does a civil trial following a criminal trial. It is long settled law that "Congress may impose both a criminal and a civil sanction in respect to the same act or omission; for the double jeopardy clause prohibits merely punishing twice, or attempting a second time to punish criminally, for the same offense." Helvering v. Mitchell, 303 U.S. 391, 399, 58 S.Ct. 630, 633, 82 L.Ed. 917 (1937) (addition to taxes not prohibited by double jeopardy because it is civil penalty). A penalty is considered punishment when it serves the "twin aims of retribution and deterrence." United States v. Halper, 490 U.S. 435, 109 S.Ct. 1892, 104 L.Ed.2d 487 (1989) (liability for disproportionate penalties under False Claims Act violates double jeopardy when defendant has already been sentenced to jail term and fine). While Judge Hastings may feel personally that his impeachment was intended as retribution against him, the primary purpose of a judicial impeachment is to protect the integrity of our federal court system. Hastings v. U.S., 802 Fed. Supp. 490 (D. D.C. 1992) (emphasis added).
We are not talking about that here. We are talking about the proper venue to try a president for crimes considered to be impeachable offenses.
In fact, the Senate is assigned the task to convene a trial and try one accused of acts considered to be “Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors”.
And the House is assigned the task of “impeachment”, which is charging the accused of acts considered to be “Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.”
Our Founders carved out two specifically identified bodies, the House and Senate, to deal with a president who may engage in acts considered to be impeachable offenses. And their very intentions are documented HERE
Your theory would add an entirely new body to deal with what has already been assigned, in the first instance, to the House and Senate, and Chief Justice, by our Constitution.
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The exact quote that you provided proves Sunny's point.
Did you not realize that?
Maybe with your research skills you can find the part of the constitution about being president for lifeOh, come now. Surely you jest.