SilenceDewgooder
Member
- Joined
- May 16, 2012
- Messages
- 694
I hope by now that most supporters have some type of understanding of the recent statements by the campaign. If not, please re-read the statements without the context of an article that is trying to frame it in a certain perspective. In short, Dr. Paul's strategy has not changed, but the strategy was receiving too much attention too fast (ironic). As a counter-measure, statements were released that were designed for the MSM to promote that Dr. Paul was having financial issues and basically ended his campaign. The keywords in these statements are the subjective ones; "Benton emphasized that Ron Paul is still in the race, but that the number of delegates Romney has is "almost insurmountable" and "Today is likely the final Money Bomb of Ron Paul’s career."
What words are associated with Dr. Paul? Integrity, Consistentcy, Tenacity. Most supporters are calling foul on Benton due to his statements, but these statements were carefully worded to paint a certain picture so the MSM would take the bait and they did. By Benton making these statements, Dr. Paul maintains his integrity, consistency and forever tenaciousness.
According to a post on DailyPaul; here were some effects of the statement/actions:
"1. Put out a money bomb and try to make it fail. Did anyone else notice (if you were even aware there was a money bomb at all), that there were no money bomb tickers on either the official campaign website or the DailyPaul? I didn't even know there was a money bomb until 3 days after it started, and I LOOK for them. I found the bomb due to everyone screaming in chat, "WE NEED THE TICKER BACK!" A failed money bomb shows dried-up funds, no money equals no campaign in the eyes of the neo-cons.
2. Put out a statement kissing up to the RNC and Rience Priebus that there was no foul concerning Rule 11. This move looks like a cozy-up, but all that is effectively sacrificed is the right to sue. Rule 11 has no bearing on the delegate strategy.
3. DON'T mention Rule 38, as it does effect the delegate strategy.
4. Put out a vague statement regarding money woes that could easily be translated into "I quit," by the MSM that has been so desperately craving those words. The mainstream media responded predictably, and now most of the sheeple I know are resting easier after offering me condolences for the loss of my idealistic candidate that just wasn't electible.
5. Allow his campaign to imply that his Paulites had been naughty, and rebelious behavior will not be tolerated. (Can't believe they actually fell for that one! Ron Paul is the rebels' rebel.)
6. Transfer focus from a succeeding delegate strategy to concessions Ron Paul desires from the establishment."
http://www.dailypaul.com/234332/ron-paul-fooled-us-all-donate-50-quick
So what can we do?
The first step is usually the hardest step - Stop defending Dr. Paul in the comments sections of articles. Let the masses believe he did drop out, for now.
2nd - For the comments section, use the article to point out obvious omissions that change the effect of the article.
3rd - Comment section continued, use this virtual real estate to show that Obama and Romney have the same view on the ISSUES which is why they are deploying "negative character ads", but carefully without using views or phrases associated with Dr. Paul.
The 4th would be the most difficult to pull off. If we could organize a live stream broadcast, like the one from last night (without the technical difficulties) for an unofficial "We The People" money bomb, this would not only supply Dr. Paul with the financial resources to fight at the local level through all of June, but send a message to all the supporters of our unity and resolve.
Let's face the reality of what happens if Dr. Paul does not win; all policies will remain, more freedoms and wealth lost and the chances of The People to stand against a totalitarian government will be ever increasingly difficult by 10 fold.
Most people associate Patrick Henry with "Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death" - Have you ever read the whole speech? Very powerful and very relevant today.
"MR. PRESIDENT: No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do, opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely, and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offence, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the majesty of heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves, and the House? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with these war-like preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled, that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask, gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done, to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free² if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending²if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained, we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations; and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable²and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace²but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death! - Patrick Henry, St. John's Church, Richmond, Virginia
March 23, 1775; http://www.history.org/Almanack/life/politics/giveme.cfm
What words are associated with Dr. Paul? Integrity, Consistentcy, Tenacity. Most supporters are calling foul on Benton due to his statements, but these statements were carefully worded to paint a certain picture so the MSM would take the bait and they did. By Benton making these statements, Dr. Paul maintains his integrity, consistency and forever tenaciousness.
According to a post on DailyPaul; here were some effects of the statement/actions:
"1. Put out a money bomb and try to make it fail. Did anyone else notice (if you were even aware there was a money bomb at all), that there were no money bomb tickers on either the official campaign website or the DailyPaul? I didn't even know there was a money bomb until 3 days after it started, and I LOOK for them. I found the bomb due to everyone screaming in chat, "WE NEED THE TICKER BACK!" A failed money bomb shows dried-up funds, no money equals no campaign in the eyes of the neo-cons.
2. Put out a statement kissing up to the RNC and Rience Priebus that there was no foul concerning Rule 11. This move looks like a cozy-up, but all that is effectively sacrificed is the right to sue. Rule 11 has no bearing on the delegate strategy.
3. DON'T mention Rule 38, as it does effect the delegate strategy.
4. Put out a vague statement regarding money woes that could easily be translated into "I quit," by the MSM that has been so desperately craving those words. The mainstream media responded predictably, and now most of the sheeple I know are resting easier after offering me condolences for the loss of my idealistic candidate that just wasn't electible.
5. Allow his campaign to imply that his Paulites had been naughty, and rebelious behavior will not be tolerated. (Can't believe they actually fell for that one! Ron Paul is the rebels' rebel.)
6. Transfer focus from a succeeding delegate strategy to concessions Ron Paul desires from the establishment."
http://www.dailypaul.com/234332/ron-paul-fooled-us-all-donate-50-quick
So what can we do?
The first step is usually the hardest step - Stop defending Dr. Paul in the comments sections of articles. Let the masses believe he did drop out, for now.
2nd - For the comments section, use the article to point out obvious omissions that change the effect of the article.
3rd - Comment section continued, use this virtual real estate to show that Obama and Romney have the same view on the ISSUES which is why they are deploying "negative character ads", but carefully without using views or phrases associated with Dr. Paul.
The 4th would be the most difficult to pull off. If we could organize a live stream broadcast, like the one from last night (without the technical difficulties) for an unofficial "We The People" money bomb, this would not only supply Dr. Paul with the financial resources to fight at the local level through all of June, but send a message to all the supporters of our unity and resolve.
Let's face the reality of what happens if Dr. Paul does not win; all policies will remain, more freedoms and wealth lost and the chances of The People to stand against a totalitarian government will be ever increasingly difficult by 10 fold.
Most people associate Patrick Henry with "Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death" - Have you ever read the whole speech? Very powerful and very relevant today.
"MR. PRESIDENT: No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do, opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely, and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offence, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the majesty of heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves, and the House? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with these war-like preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled, that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask, gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done, to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free² if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending²if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained, we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations; and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable²and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace²but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death! - Patrick Henry, St. John's Church, Richmond, Virginia
March 23, 1775; http://www.history.org/Almanack/life/politics/giveme.cfm
